Donald TrumpDonald John TrumpSenate advances public lands bill in late-night vote Warren, Democrats urge Trump to back down from veto threat over changing Confederate-named bases Esper orders ‘After Action Review’ of National Guard’s role in protests MORE has successfully sold himself as a businessman, an entertainer and a president. Now he’s ready to market his 2017 agenda.
The president-elect is signaling he’ll use Twitter, large rallies and a sharp tongue — the same weapons that won him the election — to advance his presidency.
Trump already has millions of social media followers and an ability to dominate the media.
Starting on Jan. 20, he will be in control of the most powerful force in politics: the presidential bully pulpit.
Click Here: Bape Kid 1st Camo Ape Head rompers
With a Republican-controlled House and Senate, the president-elect has an enormous opportunity to pass a slew of legislation that would could both shape Trump’s legacy and torpedo at least some of what President Obama accomplished during his eight years in office.
Some Democrats believe that Trump will fail as commander in chief in spectacular fashion, which would of course help them in the 2018 and 2020 elections. But many Democrats don’t grasp the potential power of Trump’s White House messaging operation and what they are up against.
Republicans, for their part, are salivating at what could come next.
Many think Trump will be able to steam roll his agenda through Congress given GOP control of both chambers and the insecurity of Democratic senators up for reelection in 2018 in states won by Trump.
These members include Sens. Claire McCaskillClaire Conner McCaskillMissouri county issues travel advisory for Lake of the Ozarks after Memorial Day parties Senate faces protracted floor fight over judges amid pandemic safety concerns Amash on eyeing presidential bid: ‘Millions of Americans’ want someone other than Trump, Biden MORE (Mo.), Joe DonnellyJoseph (Joe) Simon DonnellyEx-Sen. Joe Donnelly endorses Biden Lobbying world 70 former senators propose bipartisan caucus for incumbents MORE (Ind.), Jon TesterJonathan (Jon) TesterSenate confirms Trump’s watchdog for coronavirus funds Montana barrels toward blockbuster Senate fight The 10 Senate seats most likely to flip MORE (Mont.), Heidi HeitkampMary (Heidi) Kathryn Heitkamp70 former senators propose bipartisan caucus for incumbents Susan Collins set to play pivotal role in impeachment drama Pro-trade group launches media buy as Trump and Democrats near deal on new NAFTA MORE (N.D.) and Joe ManchinJoseph (Joe) ManchinTrump administration seeks to use global aid for nuclear projects Shelley Moore Capito wins Senate primary West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice wins GOP gubernatorial primary MORE (W.Va.). Trump won Missouri, Indiana and Montana by about 20 percentage points each. He captured North Dakota by more than 36 points and West Virginia by a margin of 42 points.
The real estate mogul, despite never having run for office, eviscerated his political rivals by portraying them as weak and beholden to Washington’s “corrupt” ways.
He gave his 2016 challengers nicknames, such as “low energy” Jeb Bush, “lying” Ted CruzRafael (Ted) Edward CruzSenate advances public lands bill in late-night vote The Hill’s Morning Report – Trump’s public standing sags after Floyd protests GOP senators introduce resolution opposing calls to defund the police MORE and “crooked” Hillary ClintonHillary Diane Rodham ClintonWhite House accuses Biden of pushing ‘conspiracy theories’ with Trump election claim Biden courts younger voters — who have been a weakness Trayvon Martin’s mother Sybrina Fulton qualifies to run for county commissioner in Florida MORE.
Lawmakers, most notably Democratic leaders in Congress who get in Trump’s way, could get their own nicknames.
If other red-state Democrats buck his nominees and/or his agenda, don’t be surprised to see Trump visit their states to drive home his points. The president-elect loves rallies, and it’s a good bet that he will be traveling outside the Beltway a lot.
There are already signs that Democrats could have trouble in holding a united front against Trump’s agenda.
Manchin, for example, was the first Democratic senator to back Sen. Jeff SessionsJefferson (Jeff) Beauregard SessionsMcCabe, Rosenstein spar over Russia probe Rosenstein takes fire from Republicans in heated testimony Rosenstein defends Mueller appointment, role on surveillance warrants MORE (R-Ala.), Trump’s nominee for attorney general.
It’s not just Democrats who have to worry.
Trump showed he isn’t shy in going after members of his own party throughout the 2016 presidential cycle. And that probably won’t change in 2017 and 2018.
The conservative-leaning House Freedom Caucus and outside right-wing groups are wary of Trump’s $1 trillion infrastructure proposal and want the 45th president to focus on reducing the nation’s record debt levels. The Freedom Caucus was instrumental in pushing former Speaker John BoehnerJohn Andrew BoehnerLott says lobbying firm cut ties to prevent him from taking clients Lobbying firm cuts ties to Trent Lott amid national anti-racism protests Bush, Romney won’t support Trump reelection: NYT MORE (R-Ohio) out the door, but picking a fight with Trump is another thing entirely. Most Republicans in the House don’t worry about their November election — they worry about their primaries. And crossing Trump could risk a challenge from the right in the 2018 cycle.
Speaker Paul RyanPaul Davis RyanBush, Romney won’t support Trump reelection: NYT Twitter joins Democrats to boost mail-in voting — here’s why Lobbying world MORE (R-Wis.) and Trump feuded in 2016, but in the name of party unity and policy, they have put aside their differences. And in a related development, Ryan’s approval rating just hit an all-time high earlier this month.
After the election, Ryan said it’s time for the Republican Party to “go big” and “bold.” Trump wouldn’t have it any other way, though there are inherent risks with an aggressive strategy without a supermajority in the Senate.
Republicans who publicly ripped Trump are now getting in line, so muscling big-ticket items through the upper chamber using budget reconciliation shouldn’t be that challenging. Those bills, such as ObamaCare repeal, would only need 51 Senate votes to pass. But replacing ObamaCare, building a wall along the southern border and clearing a Supreme Court nominee will necessitate 60 votes.
That’s where Trump’s bully pulpit will come in, calling out Democrats from both red and purple states that he won on Election Day.
While Trump may not be up to speed on the nuances of the legislative process, those mechanics will be handled by Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnellAddison (Mitch) Mitchell McConnellSenate advances public lands bill in late-night vote GOP senator to try to reverse requirement that Pentagon remove Confederate names from bases No, ‘blue states’ do not bail out ‘red states’ MORE (R-Ky.) and Ryan.
Still, the fate of pending bills isn’t decided by tactics. It comes down to marketing and political muscle, which play to Trump’s strengths.
Trump will surely have a slew of critics of anything he wants to do. They will throw everything they have to kill his agenda.
Trump’s likely response: “This bill will help make America great again. It should be passed as soon as possible.”
Democrats will need to step up their messaging game to thwart Trump’s agenda. Sen. Charles SchumerChuck SchumerOvernight Health Care: US showing signs of retreat in battle against COVID-19 | Regeneron begins clinical trials of potential coronavirus antibody treatment | CMS warns nursing homes against seizing residents’ stimulus checks Schumer requests briefing with White House coronavirus task force as cases rise Schumer on Trump’s tweet about 75-year-old protester: He ‘should go back to hiding in the bunker’ MORE (D-N.Y.), who will be minority leader next year, had pledged to work with Trump on areas of common ground. He has also vowed to battle Trump when warranted, most notably on attempts to eradicate Obama’s legacy laws.
Since the election, Schumer has called for Democrats to craft “a bold economic platform,” a clear acknowledgement that Clinton’s muddled message was no match for Trump’s “Make American Great Again.”